Unity Government Reform Scorecard: As of July 2026
Some Promises Became Law, Some Are Stuck at the Door, and Some Decisions Directly Consumed Reform Credibility
After Anwar finally became Prime Minister, the most dangerous way to write the story is to cue the victory music here.
History does not stop checking the accounts just because the protagonist reaches his goal.
As of July 31, 2026, the Unity Government has been in power for over three years. Evaluating it should not just ask "is Anwar better than his predecessors," but should categorize the promises into three columns: those that have become institutions, those still on the way, and decisions that visibly regress or damage trust.
What Has Landed Should Not Be Erased#
The Parliamentary Services Act passed in 2025 restored the institutional basis for Parliament to manage its own administration and personnel, freeing the legislature from total dependence on the executive branch for internal affairs. Procurement legislation also further codified the rules and accountability of public procurement into law. 1,2
These reforms sound less dramatic than mega-rallies, but they directly alter how institutions function.
The Unity Government's ability to stably pass budgets and allow Parliament to complete its legislative term also proves that the 2022 coalition was not a temporary arrangement destined to collapse in months.
Stability is an achievement.
But stability is merely a condition for reform, not reform itself.
Reforms Still at the Door#
The constitutional amendment capping the prime minister's cumulative tenure at ten years failed to secure the necessary two-thirds majority in March 2026. The bill's failure does not mean the issue vanishes, but it shows the government failed to build sufficient cross-party consensus before tabling it. 1,2
The constitutional amendment to separate the functions of the Attorney General and Public Prosecutor was introduced and studied by a Parliamentary Special Select Committee, but as of late July, it has yet to be fully passed and implemented. The Malaysian Bar supports the separation but warns that if appointment, tenure, parliamentary oversight, and independence safeguards are poorly designed, it might merely separate job titles without truly insulating the office from executive interference. 3,4
The Ombudsman, federal freedom of information, and political financing laws also continue to appear on the government's reform lists and in consultation processes. 1,2
"Under study" cannot forever be counted as finished.
But lumping public drafts, committee deliberations, and un-tabled items all together as "nothing was done" is equally inaccurate.
How One DNAA Harmed a Whole Set of Promises#
In September 2023, while Deputy Prime Minister and UMNO President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi faced 47 charges—and had been ordered to enter his defense with the trial ongoing—the prosecution applied for a discharge not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA). After the court granted it, the trial ceased, and no verdict of acquittal was pronounced. 5,6
In January 2026, the Attorney General's Chambers further announced a "no further action" (NFA) decision on the case. This meant the case was no longer just awaiting the resumption of trial; yet, an NFA is still not an acquittal pronounced by a court after a complete defense trial. 5,6,7
Government supporters can point out that the Prime Minister should not order prosecutors to charge or withdraw cases; further investigations and representations fall under the prosecution's purview.
Critics, however, have ample reason to ask: Why did the Deputy Prime Minister, whose presence was intimately tied to the Prime Minister's cabinet formation, receive a DNAA at the defense stage, and later an NFA, without the public receiving a full explanation sufficient to dispel conflict-of-interest doubts? The Malaysian Bar consequently sought a judicial review. 5,6,7
No Blank Checks for Any Leader#
Supporters of the Unity Government worry that excessive criticism will allow more conservative political forces to take power.
This fear is understandable but cannot be an excuse to lower standards. If a government can only rely on "the other guy is worse" to garner support, it will eventually stop trying to prove it is better.
Opponents must also accept the same standard. Criticizing the Unity Government does not mean indulging racial incitement, abuse of power, or refusing policy transparency from the other camp; alternating power is not about shifting immunity from one party to another, but letting every party know that power has an expiration date.
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